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Siegelman, M.

Publications and source records attributed to Siegelman, M..

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The language network responds robustly to sentences across diverse tasks

A network of left frontal and temporal brain areas supports language comprehension and production, implementing computations related to word retrieval and combinatorial linguistic processing. Here, we ask: to what extent are responses to language in this language network stable across task contexts, and how does this stability compare to task sensitivity in the domain-general multiple demand (MD) network? Participants (n=52) read sentences and nonword lists under six task conditions, including passive reading, reading with a memory probe after each stimulus, and reading and answering questions that require deep semantic engagement. The sentences>nonwords contrast isolated the same set of language-responsive voxels across all tasks; the locations of those voxels were participant-specific, highlighting the value of individual-specific functional localization. We therefore conclude that language localization is robust to task variation. We then examined the magnitudes and fine-grained activation patterns in these language-responsive voxels (the language network) and in the domain-general MD network, to test whether task demands modulate linguistic computations and/or recruit a distinct brain system. The language network responded robustly to sentences across all tasks, with somewhat higher responses to semantically engaging tasks. In contrast, the MD network responded to both sentences and nonwords in the presence of a task, which warrants caution when using language paradigms that include task demands, as such paradigms engage two independent networks. A multivariate analysis further revealed that stimulus information is more easily decodable in the language network, whereas task information is more decodable in the MD network. These results suggest that the language and MD networks perform complementary functions during task-driven language comprehension, with the language network primarily extracting information from linguistic input and the MD network determining the appropriate response to the task.

neuroscience↗

Functional identification of language-responsive channels in individual participants in MEG investigations

Making meaningful inferences about the functional architecture of the language system requires the ability to refer to the same neural units across individuals and studies. Traditional brain imaging approaches align and average brains together in a common space. However, lateral frontal and temporal cortices, where the language system resides, is characterized by high structural and functional inter-individual variability, which reduces the sensitivity and functional resolution of group-averaging analyses. This issue is compounded by the fact that language areas lay in close proximity to regions of other large-scale networks with different functional profiles. A solution inspired by visual neuroscience is to identify language areas functionally in each individual brain using a localizer task (e.g., a language comprehension task). This approach has proven productive in fMRI, yielding a number of robust and replicable findings about the language system. Here, we extend this approach to MEG. Across two experiments (one in Dutch speakers, n=19; one in English speakers, n=23), we examined neural responses to the processing of sentences and a control condition (nonword sequences). In both the time and frequency domains, we demonstrated that the topography of neural responses to language is spatially stable within individuals but varies across individuals. Consequently, analyses that take this inter-individual variability into account are characterized by greater sensitivity, compared to the group-level analyses. In summary, similar to fMRI, functional identification within individuals yields benefits in MEG, thus opening the door to future investigations of language processing including questions where whole-brain coverage and temporal resolution are both critical.

neuroscience↗

LanA (Language Atlas): A probabilistic atlas for the language network based on fMRI data from >800 individuals

Two analytic traditions characterize fMRI language research. One relies on averaging activations voxel-wise across individuals. This approach has limitations: because of inter-individual variability in the locations of language areas, a location in a common brain space cannot be meaningfully linked to function. An alternative approach relies on identifying language areas in each individual using a functional localizer. Because of its greater sensitivity, functional resolution, and interpretability, functional localization is gaining popularity, but it is not always feasible, and cannot be applied retroactively to past studies. We provide a solution for bridging these currently disjoint approaches in the form of a probabilistic functional atlas created from fMRI data for an extensively validated language localizer in 806 individuals. This atlas enables estimating the probability that any given location in a common brain space belongs to the language network, and thus can help interpret group-level peaks and meta-analyses of such peaks, and lesion locations in patient investigations. More meaningful comparisons of findings across studies should increase robustness and replicability in language research.

neuroscience↗

'Constituent length' effects in fMRI do not provide evidence for abstract syntactic processing

Human language has a remarkable capacity to encode complex ideas. This capacity arises because language is compositional: the form and arrangement of words in sentences (structure) determine the conceptual relations that hold between the words referents (meaning). A foundational question in human cognition is whether the brain regions that support language are similarly factored into structure-selective and meaning-selective areas. In an influential study, Pallier et al. (2011, PNAS) used fMRI to investigate the brain response to sequences of real words and pseudowords and reported a sharp dissociation between structure-selective and meaning-selective brain regions. In the present study, we argue that no such dissociation emerges when individual differences in brain anatomy are considered. We report three experiments (including a close conceptual replication of Pallier et al.s original study) that use precision fMRI methods to capture separation or overlap of function in the brains of individual participants. Our results replicate Pallier et al.s finding that the brains response is modulated by the sequential structure of language but paint a different picture with respect to the structure-meaning relationship. Instead of distinct structure-selective and meaning-selective brain areas, we find distributed sensitivity to both linguistic structure and meaning throughout a broad frontotemporal brain network. Our results join a growing body of evidence for an integrated network for language in the human brain within which internal specialization is primarily a matter of degree rather than kind, in contrast with influential proposals that advocate distinct specialization of different brain areas for different types of linguistic functions. Significance StatementUsing fMRI, we show that a broad network of frontal and temporal areas in the left hemisphere of the human brain is sensitive to both the structure of language and the meaning that it encodes. This finding challenges many current theories of the neurobiology of language, which propose a sharp separation between areas that encode structure and areas that encode meaning. Instead, results support a broad distribution of word- and sentence-level processing across an integrated brain network for language. This PDF file includes: Main Text Figures 1 to 3 Tables 1 to 1

neuroscience↗

The domain-general multiple demand (MD) network does not support core aspects of language comprehension: a large-scale fMRI investigation

Aside from the language-selective left-lateralized fronto-temporal network, language comprehension sometimes additionally recruits a domain-general bilateral fronto-parietal network implicated in executive functions: the multiple demand (MD) network. However, the nature of the MD networks contributions to language comprehension remains debated. To illuminate the role of this network in language processing, we conducted a large-scale fMRI investigation using data from 30 diverse word and sentence comprehension experiments (481 unique participants, 678 scanning sessions). In line with prior findings, the MD network was active during many language tasks. Moreover, similar to the language-selective network, which is robustly lateralized to the left hemisphere, these responses were stronger in the left-hemisphere MD regions. However, in stark contrast with the language-selective network, the MD network responded more strongly (i) to lists of unconnected words than to sentences, and critically, (ii) in paradigms with an explicit task compared to passive comprehension paradigms. In fact, many passive comprehension tasks failed to elicit a response above the fixation baseline in the MD network, in contrast to strong responses in the language-selective network. In tandem, these results argue against a role for the MD network in core aspects of sentence comprehension like inhibiting irrelevant meanings or parses, keeping intermediate representations active in working memory, or predicting upcoming words or structures. These results align with recent evidence of relatively poor tracking of the linguistic signal by the MD regions during naturalistic comprehension, and instead suggest that the MD networks engagement during language processing likely reflects effort associated with extraneous task demands. Significance StatementDomain-general executive processes, like working memory and cognitive control, have long been implicated in language comprehension, including in neuroimaging studies that have reported activation in domain-general multiple demand (MD) regions for linguistic manipulations. However, much prior evidence has come from paradigms where language interpretation is accompanied by extraneous tasks. Using a large fMRI dataset (30 experiments/481 participants/678 sessions), we demonstrate that MD regions are engaged during language comprehension in the presence of task demands, but not during passive reading/listening--conditions that strongly activate the fronto-temporal language network. These results present a fundamental challenge to proposals whereby linguistic computations, like inhibiting irrelevant meanings, keeping representations active in working memory, or predicting upcoming elements, draw on domain-general executive resources.

neuroscience↗

Word meanings and sentence structure recruit the same set of fronto-temporal regions during comprehension

To understand what you are reading now, your mind retrieves the meanings of words and constructions from a linguistic knowledge store (lexico-semantic processing) and identifies the relationships among them to construct a complex meaning (syntactic or combinatorial processing). Do these two sets of processes rely on distinct, specialized mechanisms or, rather, share a common pool of resources? Linguistic theorizing, empirical evidence from language acquisition and processing, and computational modeling have jointly painted a picture whereby lexico-semantic and syntactic processing are deeply inter-connected and perhaps not separable. In contrast, many current proposals of the neural architecture of language continue to endorse a view whereby certain brain regions selectively support syntactic/combinatorial processing, although the locus of such "syntactic hub", and its nature, vary across proposals. Here, we searched for selectivity for syntactic over lexico-semantic processing using a powerful individual-subjects fMRI approach across three sentence comprehension paradigms that have been used in prior work to argue for such selectivity: responses to lexico-semantic vs. morpho-syntactic violations (Experiment 1); recovery from neural suppression across pairs of sentences differing in only lexical items vs. only syntactic structure (Experiment 2); and same/different meaning judgments on such sentence pairs (Experiment 3). Across experiments, both lexico-semantic and syntactic conditions elicited robust responses throughout the left fronto-temporal language network. Critically, however, no regions were more strongly engaged by syntactic than lexico-semantic processing, although some regions showed the opposite pattern. Thus, contra many current proposals of the neural architecture of language, syntactic/combinatorial processing is not separable from lexico-semantic processing at the level of brain regions--or even voxel subsets--within the language network, in line with strong integration between these two processes that has been consistently observed in behavioral and computational language research. The results further suggest that the language network may be generally more strongly concerned with meaning than syntactic form, in line with the primary function of language--to share meanings across minds.

neuroscience↗

High local mutual information drives the response in the human language network

The fronto-temporal language network responds robustly and selectively to sentences. But the features of linguistic input that drive this response and the computations these language areas support remain debated. Two key features of sentences are typically confounded in natural linguistic input: words in sentences a) are semantically and syntactically combinable into phrase- and clause-level meanings, and b) occur in an order licensed by the languages grammar. Inspired by recent psycholinguistic work establishing that language processing is robust to word order violations, we hypothesized that the core linguistic computation is composition, and, thus, can take place even when the word order violates the grammatical constraints of the language. This hypothesis predicts that a linguistic string should elicit a sentence-level response in the language network as long as the words in that string can enter into dependency relationships as in typical sentences. We tested this prediction across two fMRI experiments (total N=47) by introducing a varying number of local word swaps into naturalistic sentences, leading to progressively less syntactically well-formed strings. Critically, local dependency relationships were preserved because combinable words remained close to each other. As predicted, word order degradation did not decrease the magnitude of the BOLD response in the language network, except when combinable words were so far apart that composition among nearby words was highly unlikely. This finding demonstrates that composition is robust to word order violations, and that the language regions respond as strongly as they do to naturalistic linguistic input as long as composition can take place.

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An attempt to replicate a dissociation between syntax and semantics during sentence comprehension reported by Dapretto & Bookheimer (1999, Neuron)

Does processing the meanings of individual words vs. assembling words into phrases and sentences rely on distinct pools of cognitive and neural resources? Many have argued for such a dissociation, although the field is lacking a consensus on which brain region(s) support lexico-semantic vs. syntactic processing. Although some have also argued against such a dissociation, the dominant view in the field remains that distinct brain regions support these two fundamental components of language. One of the earlier and most cited pieces of evidence in favor of this dissociation comes from a paper by Dapretto & Bookheimer (1999, Neuron; DB). Using a sentence meaning comparison task, DB observed two distinct peaks within the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG): one more active when comparisons relied on lexico-semantic cues, and another - when they instead relied on syntactic cues. Although the paper has been highly cited over the years, no attempt has been made, to our knowledge, to replicate the original finding. We here report an fMRI study that attempts to do so. Using a combination of three approaches - whole-brain, group-level ROIs, and individual functional ROIs - we fail to replicate the originally reported dissociation. In particular, parts of the LIFG respond reliably more strongly during lexico-semantic than syntactic processing, but no part of the LIFG (including in the region defined around the peak reported by DB) shows the opposite response pattern. We hypothesize that the original result was a false positive, possibly driven by one participant or item given the use of a fixed-effects analysis and a small number of items (8 per condition) and participants (n=8).

neuroscience↗