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Lametti, D. R.

Publications and source records attributed to Lametti, D. R..

5 recordsLinked to original sources

Inner speech and the neurobiology of psychosis

Aberrations of inner speech have been linked to psychotic symptoms such as thought insertion and auditory verbal hallucinations. These symptoms may reflect failures of prediction and source monitoring. Normally, efference copies of speech motor commands are sent to auditory cortices and suppressed, helping distinguish self-generated from external input. If suppression malfunctions, predicted auditory input may become perceptually salient. Further, if self-monitoring or error detection-related regions are also impaired (e.g., anterior cingulate cortex, ACC), inner speech may be misattributed as external. We tested this proposal using neuroimaging meta-analyses, examining how the brain systems in overt and inner speech production in neurotypical participants overlap with findings from psychosis-spectrum participants performing a range of tasks. They showed increased activity in motor-related regions associated with inner speech (e.g., ventral premotor cortices) and decreased grey matter in bilateral auditory cortices and ACC, in regions specific to overt speech. Coactivation-based network analyses revealed that these ventral premotor and auditory regions form distinct, inversely coupled audiomotor networks. Classification suggests the ventral premotor network supports higher-level language processing, while the audiomotor network supports lower-level speech and self-referential processing. Overall, results accord with the proposal that psychotic symptoms like auditory verbal hallucinations derive from phenotypic hyperactivation in inner speech-related regions that yield affectively salient efference copy signals that are insufficiently suppressed and monitored as self-produced. In line with a hierarchical predictive-processing account, disruption of a distributed recurrent system distorts self-awareness and conscious experience.

neuroscience↗

Reorganization of the neurobiology of language after sentence overlearning

There is a widespread assumption that there are a static set of language regions in the brain. Yet, people still regularly produce familiar formulaic expressions when those regions are severely damaged. This suggests that the neurobiology of language varies with the extent of word sequence learning and might not be fixed. We test the hypothesis that perceiving sentences is mostly supported by sensorimotor regions involved in speech production and not language regions after overlearning. Twelve participants underwent two sessions of behavioural testing and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), separated by 15 days. During this period, they repeated two sentences 30 times each, twice a day. In both fMRI sessions, participants passively listened to those two sentences and novel sentences. Lastly, they spoke novel sentences. Behavioural results confirm that participants overlearned sentences. Correspondingly, there was an increase or recruitment of sensorimotor regions involved in sentence production and a reduction in activity or inactivity for overlearned sentences in regions involved in listening to novel sentences. The global network organization of the brain changed by [~]45%, mostly through lost connectivity. Thus, there was a profound reorganization of the neurobiology of speech perception after overlearning towards sensorimotor regions not considered in most contemporary models and away from the language regions posited by those models. These same sensorimotor regions are generally preserved in aphasia and Alzheimers disease, perhaps explaining residual abilities with formulaic language. These and other results warrant reconsidering static neurobiological models of language.

neuroscience↗

Speech perception under the tent: A domain-general predictive role for the cerebellum

The role of the cerebellum in speech perception remains a mystery. Given its uniform architecture, we tested the hypothesis that it implements a domain-general mechanism whose role in speech is determined by connectivity. We collated all neuroimaging studies reporting cerebellar activity in the Neurosynth database (n = 8,206). From this set, we found all studies involving passive speech and sound perception (n = 72, 64% speech, 12.5% sounds, 12.5% music, and 11% tones) and speech production and articulation (n = 175). Standard and coactivation neuroimaging meta-analyses were used to compare cerebellar and associated cortical activations between passive perception and production. We found distinct regions of perception-and production-related activity in the cerebellum and regions of perception-production overlap. Each of these regions had distinct patterns of cortico-cerebellar connectivity. To test for domain generality versus specificity, we identified all psychological and task-related terms in the Neurosynth database that predicted activity in cerebellar regions associated with passive perception and production. Regions in the cerebellum activated by speech perception were associated with domain-general terms related to prediction. One hallmark of predictive processing is metabolic savings (i.e., decreases in neural activity when events are predicted). To test the hypothesis that the cerebellum plays a predictive role in speech perception, we examined cortical activation between studies reporting cerebellar activation and those without cerebellar activation during speech perception. When the cerebellum was active during speech perception there was far less cortical activation than when it was inactive. The results suggest that the cerebellum implements a domain-general mechanism related to prediction during speech perception.

neuroscience↗

Altered auditory feedback induces coupled changes in formant frequencies during speech production

Speaking is one of the most complicated motor behaviours, involving a large number of articulatory muscles which can move independently to command precise changes in speech acoustics. Here, we used real-time manipulations of speech feedback to test whether the acoustics of speech production (e.g. the formants) reflect independently controlled articulatory movements or combinations of movements. During repetitive productions of \"head, bed, dead\", either the first (F1) or the second formant (F2) of vowels was shifted and fed back to participants. We then examined whether changes in production in response to these alterations occurred for only the perturbed formant or both formants. In Experiment 1, our results showed that participants who received increased F1 feedback significantly decreased their F1 productions in compensation, but also significantly increased the frequency of their F2 productions. The combined F1-F2 change moved the utterances closer to a known pattern of speech production (i.e. the vowel category \"hid, bid, did\"). In Experiment 2, we further showed that a downshift in frequency of F2 feedback also induced significant compensatory changes in both the perturbed (F2) and the unperturbed formant (F1) that were in opposite directions. Taken together, the results demonstrate that a shift in auditory feedback of a single formant drives combined changes in related formants. The results suggest that, although formants can be controlled independently, the speech motor system may favour a strategy in which changes in formant production are coupled to maintain speech production within specific regions of the vowel space corresponding to existing speech-sound categories.\n\nNew & NoteworthyFindings from previous studies examining responses to altered auditory feedback are inconsistent with respect to the changes speakers make to their production. Speakers can compensate by specifically altering their production to offset the acoustic error in feedback. Alternatively, they may compensate by changing their speech production more globally to produce a speech sound closer to an existing category in their repertoire. Our study shows support for the latter strategy.

neuroscience↗

Cortico-Cerebellar Networks Drive Sensorimotor Learning in Speech

The motor cortex and cerebellum are thought to be critical for learning and maintaining motor behaviours. Here we use tDCS to test the role of the motor cortex and cerebellum in sensorimotor learning in speech. During productions of head, bed, and dead, the first formant of the vowel sound was altered in real-time towards the first formant of the vowel sound in had, bad, and dad. Compensatory changes in first and second formant production were used as a measure of motor adaptation. TDCS to either the motor cortex or the cerebellum improved sensorimotor learning in speech compared to sham stimulation. However, in the case of cerebellar tDCS, production changes were restricted to the source of the acoustical error (i.e. the first formant). Motor cortex tDCS drove production changes that offset errors in the first formant, but, unlike cerebellar tDCS, adaptive changes in the second formant also occurred. The results suggest that motor cortex and cerebellar tDCS have both shared and dissociable effects on motor adaptation. The study provides initial causal evidence in speech production that the motor cortex and the cerebellum support different aspects of sensorimotor learning. We propose that motor cortex tDCS drives sensorimotor learning towards previously learned patterns of movement, while cerebellar tDCS focuses sensorimotor learning on error correction.

neuroscience↗